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Bill Bradley: Al Gore's debate coach | page 1, 2
When Kemp had been a member of the House from Buffalo, N.Y., the former NFL quarterback had worked closely with Bradley, the former NBA foward, on tax reform. The two worked together on bills that advocated closing loopholes and reducing tax rates. Their work was a model of bipartisan cooperation, and along the way they had become friends. Soon they also worked together on various outreach programs to low-income African-Americans. So, in preparation for his debate, and with knowledge of the New Jersey senator's close relationship with Kemp, Gore phoned Bradley at his Senate office and asked him what he should expect. They had a lengthy conversation in which Bradley told Gore that he thought Kemp would play it straight, be substantive, and would not go negative. That's what Gore should expect, Bradley advised, that's what he should prepare for. Again, after prepping with others, Gore performed ably and garnered solid reviews. Reviews for Kemp -- who played it straight, spoke substantively and refused to go negative -- were devastatingly harsh. "Never before in the history of televised presidential and vice presidential debates dating back to 1960 has there been so flagrant an example of underachievement," opined conservative columnist Robert Novak. "What is beyond dispute is that the luster of the brightest Republican star was dimmed here Wednesday night. That might be more important for the politics of 2000 than of 1996." Gore and Bradley have "had an amicable relationship over the years," says Dunn, who was Bradley's Senate chief of staff in 1991-93. She recalls a time in 1992 in Chicago when the two bumped into each other. Bradley was leaving a radio station, where he had been talking up the congressional race of then-Rep. Marty Russo, D-Ill., who was facing off in a redistricted congressional race against Rep. Bill Lipinski, D-Ill. Gore, on a book tour for "Earth in the Balance," was entering the same station. They joked around, Dunn recalls. "Bill respects the vice president and thinks he's done a good job and has been a very loyal vice president," Dunn said. Dunn said that their relationship has changed a bit since Gore started going negative. "It's unfortunate that [Gore] feels that he has to turn to these scare politics and the attack tactics," she said. "The vice president in his campaign has adopted a variety of positions and attitudes typical of the tactical politics of Washington, D.C. They will talk about one vote instead of an 18-year record. They will pull quotes out of context. It's easier to tear an opponent apart instead of putting your own positive vision forward." Dunn noted that even though Bradley endorsed Russo -- who had worked tirelessly for tax reform in the mid-'80s -- Lipinski was the first member of the House to endorse Bradley. Lipinski's clearly able to let bygones be bygones, she notes. When it comes to "bad Democrat" Bradley's help when Gore needed him in '93 and '96, Gore seems to be able to put the past behind him, too.
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