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In such a worldview, Russia and China are less protagonists than antagonists, especially China, which Bush blasted. Bush also took a swipe at the Clinton administration, implicitly accusing it of bumbling through the last seven years by jumping from crisis to crisis with no clear policy. But, more importantly, he also served notice to congressional Republicans, and their growing trend toward isolationism, by saying that in no way will his administration disengage from the world.

Spaced among his rhetorical flourishes were also some solid ideas and proposals. At the forefront is defense. Bush promises to "restore the morale" of the military through better training and better pay. That, of course, takes money. And he plans to divert a lot of it not only to the grunts, but to technology. Although he didn't give numbers, in the past Bush has said he would increase defense spending by $20 billion over Clinton's proposed $173 billion increase.

By far the world's most advanced nation at the art of killing is going to get even better. "We must master the new technology of war; to extend our peaceful influence, not just across the world, but across the years," he said. Sure, that does sound odd, mastering war to bring peace. But that is Reagan's philosophy, so why stray?

Bush intends to "develop and deploy" anti-missile systems, although he failed to address whether this is even viable, given the spotty track record of such devices, most notably the "Patriot" anti-missile missile. The development of a new type of Strategic Defense Initiative plays into Bush's fear of nuclear weapons, which in turn are at the heart of his policy toward Russia. "Under the mutual threat of rogue nations, there is a real possibility the Russians could join with us and our friends and allies to cooperate on missile defense systems. But there is condition. Russia must break its dangerous habit of proliferation," he said.

Bush quoted a Department of Energy report saying that Russia's nuclear stockpiles may be 30 percent higher than thought. He demanded a re-count. And while he favors a continued moratorium on America's nuclear testing, Bush categorically opposes the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (no worries for him on that, so does Congress.)

Bush had some harsh words for Russia, his putative partner in eradicating nukes, calling for a refocusing of aid from "a corrupt and favored elite" to "the Russian people" (although he did not say how that would be done.) And just in case Russia had any ideas about reconstituting the old Soviet Union, he sent a warning to Moscow, with a nod to Chechnya. "A return to Russian imperialism would endanger both Russian democracy and the states on Russia's borders," he said.

But if his stance toward Russia was one of wariness, he was outright hostile toward China, which in a Bush presidency might eclipse radical Islam as the new bogeyman. Bush calls China a power "in transition," one that he hopes will be "free and prosperous." But if Beijing thinks that means more trade agreements, he went on to say, "China is a competitor, not a strategic partner. We must deal with China without ill-will; but without illusions."

Bush called China an "espionage threat" and pointed with alarm at its nuclear weapons and ballistic missiles. As for its domestic policies, "China's government is an enemy of religious freedom and a sponsor of forced abortion; policies without reason and without mercy."

If Bush wanted to project strength, he did. Are his policies workable? Are they sound? That's for the analysts in ivory towers and on pundit television shows to decide as the campaign heats up. It may or may not matter to a population largely disconnected from international affairs.

The real test will come on the campaign trail, when Bush has to think on his feet to answer real-life questions about hot spots in the day's news. Friday's speech was a win for the GOP front-runner, but the decision not to take questions from the media afterwards hints that Bush's advisors don't think their student is entirely ready for prime time.
salon.com | Nov. 20, 1999

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