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Black like who?
Editor's note: In the first piece of a two-part report on the case of radical journalist Mumia Abu-Jamal, Salon News examines why there has been little black community support to date for the infamous death-row inhabitant. Part 2 will evaluate the legal basis for holding a new trial in the murder case.
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Dec. 21, 1999 |
Whatever the truth of the matter, the dreadlocked Mumia (so famous that
he's now down to just one name) is a potent reminder that we're far from
through with the past when it comes to racial politics in America. Centuries of racism, and the corrupt government structures that
enforced it, are still a radioactive part of our living memory and will remain so for at least another generation. That means there will almost
certainly be more of these racial cause célèbres in our future. After all, we've only had one generation since the triumphs of the civil rights movement to unlearn 350 years of hate and mutual suspicion. Maybe it's because we're still wearing our egalitarian training wheels that
the overarching issue of the role that race plays in the Mumia case has
eclipsed other critical questions that bear analysis in their own right. One of those is Mumia's fitness to be held up as a racial hero and martyr
in the first place. Who gets to decide that question? The basic facts of the criminal case against Mumia are simple. Around 4 a.m. one December night in 1981 in a seedy area in Philadelphia, a 26-year-old
police officer named Daniel Faulkner stopped a car going the wrong way down
a one-way street. A 27-year-old cabdriver (and radical journalist) named
Mumia Abu-Jamal (né Wesley Cook) was parked nearby and
saw the officer bludgeoning a man who had gotten out of the stopped car --
a man who just happened to be Mumia's brother, 25-year-old William Cook. What happened next is in dispute. But soon after, Faulkner lay dead on the
street, having taken one bullet in the back and one
between the eyes. Mumia slumped nearby, shot in the chest. Responding
police found Faulkner with most of his head blown away and Mumia fallen to
the curb with both his holster and his gun empty. Seventeen years, two appeals and two execution warrants ago, a jury
found Mumia -- who has never told his side of the story -- guilty of first-degree murder. His most recent date for execution -- Dec. 2 -- was
stayed pending further legal appeals of his conviction. Mumia's supporters claim that the police rushed to judgment in their haste
to nail someone for Faulkner's death and didn't pursue exculpatory
leads. (Some witnesses claimed they saw a third man flee, for example, and
Mumia's empty gun might have been a different caliber than at least one of the bullets
found in Faulkner's body.) But Mumia hardly cut a sympathetic figure; his radical politics (he'd founded the Philadelphia chapter of the Black Panthers at age 15) did not endear him to the police or prosecutors. His supporters believe that his trial was essentially a sham. Over the years, as news of Mumia's fate has spread, demonstrations have been
held on his behalf all over the world. Celebrity backers have championed his
cause, documentaries have been made about him and Mumia himself has
reactivated his moribund journalism career from death row. Police organizations have been equally energized by his
case -- from the opposite perspective. On a number of occasions, they've had to be coerced into providing security for Mumia benefit concerts and for his celebrity supporters; meanwhile, they've funded appearances by Faulkner's widow to counter what they see as the glorification of a cop-killer. Right-wing commentators and conservative groups have joined the fray, so much so that smearing Mumia and his supporters has become a staple of the shock-show set. So much for the left and the right. But what about African-Americans? Contrary to stereotype, blacks as a group tend to be social conservatives,
very tough on crime and not at all sympathetic to radical chic trends. Furthermore, they
are unlikely to know, or care, about characters like Mumia.
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